No time for ...
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Beyond the neighborhood, Russia and China are indispensable partners. Both countries opposed the instigation of the snapback mechanism at the UN Security Council, and together they submitted a draft resolution calling for a six-month delay in its implementation to preserve space for diplomacy, though the measure failed to pass. Iran should now push for a joint high-level meeting with both countries to secure explicit commitments. A clear statement of opposition, backed by concrete trade and energy cooperation measures, would not only reassure markets but also signal to the West that Tehran is not isolated. China, as Iran’s largest oil buyer and leading trade partner, deserves special attention. Ensuring continuity of crude exports and joint projects in infrastructure and energy will be vital. Russia, for its part, can expand cooperation in defense, transport corridors and nuclear technology. Turning verbal opposition into practical support will require Iran’s diplomats to work persistently, balancing short-term needs with long-term strategic alignment.
Iran should also carefully handle its relations with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Tehran has declared that its nuclear program will not be suspended and that enrichment activities will be resumed. Yet as a signatory to the NPT, Iran can protect its rights while simultaneously engaging with the agency to deny Western states any justification for escalatory measures. Active coordination with the IAEA can demonstrate transparency, ensure that Iran’s peaceful nuclear ambitions are clearly communicated and block attempts by adversaries to portray Iran as a violator. Such engagement is not about compromise but about reinforcing Iran’s position as a rational, rule-abiding actor — one that insists on its rights while leaving no room for fabricated accusations.
At the same time, Iran must send clear signals to Western governments. The message should be straightforward: maximum pressure, whether military or economic, will not force Iran into submission. Tehran is prepared to negotiate, but only within a framework that recognizes its rights, addresses its security concerns and offers tangible economic relief. This posture denies space to Israel and hardliners in Washington who aim to corner Iran diplomatically. It also underscores that negotiations are possible only when conducted on equal terms. Iran’s readiness for talks, coupled with resilience against pressure, can shift the cost-benefit calculus of its adversaries.
The reimposition of UN sanctions represents a major challenge, but it is not an existential crisis. What matters most is Iran’s response. Passive diplomacy would allow external actors to frame the narrative and tighten pressure. Active, creative and multidimensional diplomacy, on the other hand, can buy time, preserve economic resilience and ultimately shift the balance toward dialogue on Iran’s own terms. In this critical moment, Iran must act decisively to show that it is a rational player unwilling to be cornered — but ready to engage. Indeed, this is no time for diplomatic passivity.