Why Iran should support this opportunity?
By Abed Akbari
International affairs expert
In international politics, the significance of an event should not be judged solely by its outward dimensions. Sometimes, a non-permanent seat on an international body can offer opportunities that go beyond the material weight of the country holding that seat. Tajikistan’s bid for non-permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council for the 2028–2029 term should be assessed from this perspective.
The issue is not merely the presence of a Persian-speaking country in the UN’s most important security body. Rather, it is whether Central Asian countries can seize this opportunity to enhance their political weight in the international system, and whether Iran can play an effective role in helping build such capacity.
The international system operates less on the basis of ideals and political declarations than under the influence of power distribution and competing interests. In such an environment, countries with more limited economic and military capabilities have little choice but to rely on issue-based coalitions, multilateral institutions and regional cooperation to strengthen their bargaining power. Despite its considerable geopolitical importance, Central Asia has yet to play a role in global decision-making commensurate with its geographical position and strategic potential. The region lies at the crossroads of Russia, China, South Asia, the Middle East and the Caspian basin. Yet many of the decisions affecting its security and future are made outside the region, without the meaningful participation of its countries.
From this perspective, Tajikistan’s potential membership of the Security Council could provide an opportunity to partially change this situation. The Security Council is not merely a forum for issuing resolutions on international crises; it is one of the main arenas for diplomatic competition, defining threats and shaping the global security agenda. Tajikistan’s presence could bring Central Asian issues more prominently into the council’s deliberations. Security in Afghanistan, the fight against terrorism and extremism, drug trafficking, water resource management, the consequences of climate change, and the security of communications and transit infrastructure are among the issues on which regional countries share common interests.
This does not mean that one country's membership alone will alter the dynamics of the Security Council; however, even under conditions of limited power, access to an institutional position can strengthen a country's bargaining power and expand its capacity to exert diplomatic influence.
For Central Asian countries, supporting Tajikistan should be seen as more than an act of symbolic solidarity. If Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan also throw their weight behind the bid, a clear political message will be sent to the international system: Central Asia is not merely an arena for competition among major powers, but a group of states capable of taking the initiative and acting collectively on shared issues. Such an experience, even if limited to a single election, could pave the way for more effective patterns of regional cooperation in the future. Achieving this goal, however, requires acknowledging differences in the foreign policy orientations of regional countries and avoiding turning the initiative into a tool directed against any of the powers present in Central Asia.
For Iran, too, the issue carries clear strategic implications. Security and stability in Central Asia are inseparable from Iran’s own security environment. Developments in Afghanistan, competition over transport corridors, access to regional markets, security along Iran’s northeastern borders, and economic ties across the Caspian basin all affect Iran’s national interests. Therefore, strengthening the diplomatic capacity of countries in this region within international institutions, provided it is pursued through a constructive approach based on shared interests, could also serve Iran’s interests. Tehran should not view Central Asia solely through the lens of competition with foreign powers or bilateral economic relations. The region is part of Iran’s geopolitical depth and immediate neighborhood, and its institutional and political developments have a direct bearing on the country's long-term interests.
More importantly, Iran’s support for Tajikistan could amount to a diplomatic investment involving relatively limited costs but offering the potential for long-term returns. Given its historical, cultural and linguistic ties with Tajikistan, as well as its membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Economic Cooperation Organization, Iran has several instruments at its disposal to bolster this initiative. Consultations with Central Asian capitals, coordination with member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, making use of the Non-Aligned Movement's potential, and securing the support of independent and developing countries could help improve the chances of the bid's success. Such support must go beyond a political declaration and be translated into a concrete diplomatic program.
Nevertheless, realism requires avoiding two miscalculations when assessing this opportunity. First, it should not be assumed that Tajikistan will necessarily share Iran’s position on every issue if it secures a seat on the Security Council.
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