Tehran’s strategy as ...
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Moscow and Beijing share a strategic interest in countering Western pressure, and Tehran can leverage these ties in energy trade, financial transactions, and infrastructure projects. These relationships may not fully offset the economic costs, but they can provide a critical buffer and demonstrate that Iran is far from isolated.
Beyond global powers, regional diplomacy will also be indispensable. During previous sanction regimes, Iran relied heavily on trade with neighbors to sustain economic activity. The same approach could again provide essential breathing space. Strengthening ties with states in the Middle East, the Caucasus, and Central Asia offers practical avenues for commerce and supply, reducing the risks of complete economic isolation. Regional cooperation, therefore, is not only a matter of politics but also a vital tool for economic survival.
Ultimately, the purpose of resilience is not to endure sanctions indefinitely but to prepare for negotiations from a position of strength. If Iran demonstrates that military threats cannot undermine its defenses and that economic warfare cannot destabilize its society, then the logic of coercion weakens. At that point, the possibility of meaningful dialogue with the United States and its allies becomes more realistic. From such a position, Tehran could seek an agreement that balances Western concerns with its own national interests, turning resistance into leverage.
The instigation of the snapback mechanism undoubtedly marks a difficult chapter for Iran, but it is not without opportunities. By reinforcing deterrence, maintaining cooperation with international bodies, drawing on the support of China and Russia, and expanding regional economic ties, Tehran can mitigate the immediate damage and prepare the ground for eventual diplomacy. The task ahead is not only to survive sanctions but to turn the experience into a strategic asset. If Iran succeeds in absorbing the first shocks and restoring economic stability, then, as with military pressure, economic coercion too will lose its power. In that scenario, Tehran may once again enter negotiations not as a weakened party but as a resilient actor capable of shaping the terms of a future settlement.