Resistance Front remains ...
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While Iran maintained relatively favorable relations with some other Arab countries, such as Algeria and the post-invasion government in Iraq, none of these partnerships ever achieved the strategic depth of the Iran-Syria alliance.
However, the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad and the ascension of his opponents—who have fought against the Assad government, which is backed by Iran, for the past 13 years—casts significant uncertainty over the future of Iran-Syria relations. This dramatic shift poses a profound challenge, as Syria has historically played a critical role in supporting resistance groups, such as Hezbollah, particularly during key conflicts like the 33-day war with Israel in 2006 and throughout Syria’s internal conflict from 2011 to 2017.
The fall of Assad undeniably represents a setback for Iran’s regional interests, raising serious concerns about the constraints it might face in continuing its influence within Syria. Despite these challenges, the geographic and ideological bonds that have long united various resistance factions in the region remain integral to Iran’s strategic calculus. The Resistance Front—which includes Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine—has historically depended on Syria for support and logistical facilitation. Iran’s active presence in Syria significantly streamlined and bolstered these groups’ operations.
Hezbollah, founded in 1982 after the liberation of Khorramshahr, has independently achieved remarkable milestones over the past four decades, progressing towards substantial self-sufficiency. The group’s enhanced capabilities, particularly after the martyrdom of prominent resistance leaders such as Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, have enabled it to launch more assertive operations and extend its missile reach deep into Israel.
Despite the complexities introduced by recent developments in Syria, the foundational relationships built upon shared visions of resistance and advocacy for marginalized groups across the Middle East remain intact. Syria has functioned not only as a key ally but also as a pivotal operational hub for advancing Iran’s broader regional strategies. Looking ahead, even in the absence of direct geographic connectivity, ideological ties with groups in other areas, such as Yemen, are expected to persist, underpinned by shared Islamic principles.
The possibility that segments of the Syrian population previously aligned with the resistance could face setbacks due to these changes is a significant and troubling concern. Nevertheless, there remains cautious optimism that Syria’s new governing authorities may adopt policies that align with the long-term objectives of the Resistance Front. As consistently emphasized in Iran’s foreign policy, guided by the teachings of Imam Khomeini — the founder of the Islamic Revolution — and the current Leader, engagement with Israel remains a categorical impossibility.
The legacy of Martyr Qassem Soleimani, who played an instrumental role in supporting the Syrian army and organizing local Syrian factions, continues to resonate profoundly. It is conceivable that some forces trained under his command may remain dormant within Syria, poised to reemerge depending on how future circumstances unfold.
In conclusion, while the immediate landscape presents formidable challenges, the strategic foundations and alliances forged through decades of collaboration and shared objectives between Iran and Syria—and the broader Resistance Front—will undoubtedly remain central in shaping the evolving geopolitical dynamics of the region.
The article first appeared on Persian-language Ham-Mihan daily newspaper.