Pezeshkian’s cooperative approach ‘shoring up trust’
Former MP: Leader’s support crystal clear
Masoud Pezeshkian, who will be kicking off his tenure as president of the Islamic Republic of Iran in a few days, is zeroing in on an interactive approach and cooperation in both domestic and foreign policy. The question now is what capacities he and his government have to make a go of it. Are other governing bodies and political groups going to pitch in? To answer this question and others, Iran Daily conducted an exclusive interview with Ali Tajernia, head of Pezeshkian’s campaign in Tehran Province and a member of the president-elect’s Advisory Council for Choosing Cabinet Members. A dentist by profession, Tajernia is a former member of the Iranian Parliament and one of the influential figures on the reformist front.
By Ebrahim Beheshti
Staff writer
IRAN DAILY: Some of President-elect Pezeshkian’s statements imply that the main thrust of his plans in the domestic and foreign policy arena is “cooperation”. He’s been banging the drum that all Iranian institutions and political groups need to pull together to resolve the country’s issues. On the home front, based on what components do you reckon he’ll be successful in leading a national cooperation initiative?
TAJERNIA: I’m upbeat about Pezeshkian pulling off national cooperation and consensus. Compared to former presidents, he can foster more internal harmony and empathy. Of course, differences of opinion will stand, and typically, radical forces on both sides of the political fence throw a spanner in the works. However, there are several factors that increase the odds of the future government succeeding.
The first factor is Pezeshkian’s character and his faith in cooperation and interaction. In the past, some others talked about unity and cooperation, but their efforts fell flat because they didn’t truly buy into it. They meant unity or cooperation on their terms. However, Pezeshkian genuinely believes in national cooperation, which is why people from across the spectrum rallied behind his election campaign, especially since his honesty endears others.
The second factor is the experiences Iranian political groups have been through over the years. They’ve realized that shutting out some political groups hasn’t boosted government or system efficiency and has, in fact, locked out experienced people from the country’s management cycle, which is a setback for governments and leads to ill-informed, costly decisions. So, based on these lessons, there is reason to anticipate that all Iranian political movements will get serious about consensus and cooperation for more effective government and governance.
The third factor is the backing of the Leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution and governing bodies for the president-elect. Although Pezeshkian is reformist-leaning in his discourse, we’ve witnessed those bodies throwing their weight behind him in recent weeks, pledging to lend a hand to his government. The Leader’s remarks on Sunday, at a meeting with members of the Parliament and in the presence of the president-elect, reaffirmed a more resolute emphasis on supporting the incoming government. So, these factors do boost hopes for an atmosphere of national cooperation under the future government.
Do you reckon Pezeshkian’s cooperative approach will be reflected in how he crafts his cabinet? Will the cabinet be a crystallization of this cooperative vision?
Undoubtedly, the thoughts of Pezeshkian and this same cooperation ethos should cut across various areas of government. One key area is the cabinet. In the Advisory Councils that former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif set up and chaired to select ministers, we see individuals from different branches with independent, moderate, and even conservative tendencies.
So, all public servants should note the president’s primary approach is this cooperative one, and they should strive to foster empathy and cooperation in the country and fall in line with the president’s request. Pezeshkian’s moves post-election, up to now, indicate he’s keen to get more participation from unions, groups, and prominent political figures in selecting ministers. This approach can shore up trust between the government and other governing institutions, political groups, and unions.
What, in your view, should the future government be prioritizing as it gets down to business? Are these priorities economic, political, social, or international?
It appears the country’s pressing problem at the moment is the economic situation. However, economic woes like increased liquidity, soaring inflation, and lackluster economic growth do not have quick fixes; they call for medium or long-term planning to deliver tangible results for the people.
So, it’d be prudent for the government to focus on less costly measures in the short term to address some issues. For instance, one such decision could be lifting restrictions on internet access, which would have positive knock-on effects in the social and cultural spheres and facilitate the online business environment. Or, the issue of women’s clothing, which has become a contentious topic in the country, could be addressed with a government initiative that respects Sharia Law and customary affairs as well, thus softening the cultural and political atmosphere. Interacting with Parliament and making inroads on issues of foreign exchange and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) could also be among the priorities. Of course, long-term planning aimed at tackling economic problems should kick off sooner rather than later.
I also have a suggestion for Pezeshkian: task each minister, as they start their tenure, with implementing three impactful measures in their respective portfolios within the first six months, to ramp up the government’s effectiveness from the get-go.
In the realm of foreign policy, are you optimistic about the government’s approach to cooperating with other nations as well?
Yes, but there are some facts to consider. In the domain of foreign policy, not all decisions and powers rest with the government. What’s encouraging, though, is that Pezeshkian has built solid trust with other institutions in this short period, which can underpin success in foreign cooperation. Also, apparently, his orientations in foreign policy are trusted by the system and thus lay the groundwork for engagement with the world.
Of course, the Iranian government is one side of the coin; the other side is foreign countries. They, too, should demonstrate more flexibility toward Iran, acknowledge the new developments — namely, Iran’s election results — and recognize the rights of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Prior to this, the nuclear deal talks during the first term of the former president Hassan Rouhani were a positive experience, but then we witnessed Donald Trump derailing them. So, foreign countries need to adopt a more realistic stance toward Iran. As a developing country with a range of capabilities, Iran can present attractive opportunities for foreign nations if they’re earnest about engaging with Iran.
Pezeshkian hailed the recent words of the Leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution and his emphasis on the necessity of the Parliament cooperating with the new government as a boon for his government. Do you think these statements will have a positive bearing on the future government’s success?
Yes, they most certainly will. The Leader’s statements about Pezeshkian have been evaluated very positively. They reinforce the message that all branches must pull together to tackle the country’s problems. His support was crystal clear. I trust that various governing bodies and political groups, who view the Leader as the system’s main pillar, will put these directives into practice. Of course, both supporters and critics of Pezeshkian should strive to make use of the Leader’s backing of the incoming government.