By Mojtaba Koohsari*

With the 13th administration in office and the new negotiating team up to speed, they first emphasized on preserving the JCPOA as a priority. Negotiations in Vienna for the United States to return to the JCPOA were approved and conducted with the new team looking into the drafts previously prepared for nuclear talks. Based on the previous drafts, some amendments were proposed and finally the parties arrived at a new set of drafts as the basis of resumed negotiations.
Casting a glance at the process, an outsider might be tempted to say that the new policy and the view of the incumbent administration are not distinctively different from the policies adopted by the former administration, and in practice, the same path is being followed. Moreover, the outsider might argue that changes have been made in the text of the drafts to establish a material difference from the previous texts, thereby saving face and justifying the domestic public opinion that something new is happening. Or, in other words, the negotiations over the JCPOA have undergone a political game and the new government is practically following in the footsteps of the previous government for it has no other option.
Initially, some insiders feared that the abovementioned, unrealistic perception would undermine Iran’s position in the new rounds of negotiations and turn into an irreparable, permanent weakness. The vigilance of the new team, fortunately, kept this from happening.
Taking a deeper look, however, it can be fairly seen that deeper, contextual developments have taken place around the JCPOA, extensive enough to justify calling it ’the neo-JCPOA’.
Repairing a failed structure, of course, is costly and time consuming. The Iranian statesmen, however, tried to modify, improve, and bring to fruition the unfruitful texts previously negotiated, rather than creating a “new building” from scratch. Simply put, they focused on making the best use of the existing capacity. They have promised the nation, accordingly, that they are ready to pursue their goals and meet their aims by putting in extra effort, continuing to correct and complete efforts of their predecessors. In this regard, the changes in the views and methods adopted by the 13th administration and its negotiators are telling, the most important of which will be discussed here.
The JCPOA considered Iran’s nuclear capability as part of the problem while the neo-JCPOA regards the nuclear industry as part of the solution. In the past, the nuclear industry used to be considered a cumbersome effort whose further development and accompanied costs needed to be avoided through an agreement, or even “ whatever agreement” with the outside world. In that spirit, the JCPOOA meant to pave the way for economic growth and increased welfare of Iranians in exchange for limiting Iran’s nuclear capability, which, as limited an ambition as it was, unfortunately did not materialize. Conceived as such, the JCPOA was an all-or-nothing wager. In other words, it – somehow implicitly – defined nuclear industry as disruptive and contrary to development, and the JCPOA might have been an even less ambitious enterprise if it were not for domestic resistance and opposition to its concept.
Now, the revival of the JCPOA is going to be pursued regardless of domestic factors. If the desired result is achieved, its effects will definitely be seen in other areas. And if the diplomatic efforts of the incumbent administration turn out not to produce the worthwhile political resolution it seeks, Iran must maintain its capacity and capabilities. In other words, the only way out is up.  The lesson we learned from the failure of the JCPOA is that we need to have real, effective (diplomatic) tools at our disposal which may help us reach our worthy destination, namely an agreement worth its salt. And if our repertoire of diplomatic assets turns out to be true to the form but substantially void, it will prove unreliable no matter what agreement, if any, is reached.
The unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA and subsequent developments showed that the tools at our disposal are both real and effective. And misidentifying them was precisely the grave strategic mistake which the United States made. Having real, effective tools at our disposal, the agreement is within reach. That real, effective tool is the country’s nuclear capability, which helps us achieve authority, dignity. and scientific development. We must believe in it and focus on its peaceful development. It’s in this context that the neo-JCPOA will flourish. In the past, the JCPOA, with all the obstacles it put in the way of the development of the nuclear industry, was viewed as a burden on the country. And when president Trump shamelessly, and quite irrationally, withdrew from it, the US offer to renegotiate and reach a new agreement was seen as a pathetic move by many in Iran. In those circumstances, the JCPOA, if it ever had a soul, would be ashamed of its own existence.
The JCPOA itself needed help to survive, and, ironically, it was supposed at once to serve as a ground for further agreements. The neo-JCPOA, however, will be a much stronger, self-sustaining, dignified entity which will help us move forward without preoccupying ourselves with further agreements. The JCPOA was the beginning of an end, if it ever served a purpose, but the neo-JCPOA is only supposed to be the end of a path by reaching an agreement.
The JCPOA also served an important lesson to others across the globe: Do not take American promises at face value, and do not give up your bargaining tools in advance, and in a hurry. Hopefully, the neo-JCPOA will be a new experience for all nations around the globe in dealing with an unreliable power.
With the support and the resistance shown by the great nation of Iran, the ingenious guidances offered by the Leader, and the blessing of the blood of the martyrs, especially our dear, late commander Qassem Soleimani, a new pattern has emerged whose goal is to approach a new style of revolutionary diplomacy.

*Mojtaba Koohsari is a political analyst based in Isfahan.

Car manufacturing in Iran witnessed 2.3 percent growth during the nine months to December 21, 2021, compared to the corresponding figure of last year.
According to data released by the Industry, Mine, and Trade Ministry, Iranian carmakers manufactured 669,320 vehicles in the nine-month period, while the figure was 653,761 in the same period of 2020, IRNA reported.
During the said nine months, IKCO manufactured 325,557 vehicles, which was six percent less than the output in the same period of 2020.
SAIPA manufactured 253,584 vehicles in the mentioned period. Production by this automaker rose 8.14 percent in comparison to the same period of last year.
SAIPA manufactured 31,131 vehicles in the month to December 21, 2021, the figures indicated.
Iranian automakers manufactured 900,714 vehicles in the previous Iranian year (ended on March 20, 2021), which was 4.3 percent more than the figure of its preceding year.
The Iranian Ministry of Industry reported a 19.1 percent surge in car output for the last Iranian year.
The ministry expects output would increase by over 21 percent this Iranian year, to 1.2 million units.
Iran has seen a major boom in its homegrown automotive industry in recent years as major international brands have almost no presence in a market affected by US sanctions.
Experts say the increased output has become possible thanks to growing investment in local manufacturing of auto parts that used to be imported.

Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei says Iran’s legendary anti-terror commander Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani represents the “secret of endurance and victory”, adding his danger to the enemies in his martyrdom is greater than in his life.
“Today, Soleimani is a symbol of hope, self-confidence, courage and the secret of endurance and victory in our region, and as some have rightly said, Martyr Soleimani is more dangerous to his enemies than Commander Soleimani,” the Leader said during a meeting in Tehran on Saturday.
His remarks came as Iran began marking the second anniversary of the US assassination of the top general, with the Leader meeting General Soleimani’s family in Tehran and tens of thousands taking part in ceremonies to pay tribute to the highly charismatic commander, Press TV reported.
“The enemies thought that with the martyrdom of Soleimani, Abu Mahdi and his other companions, the work would be over, but today, thanks to that dear blood wrongly spilled, the United States has fled Afghanistan,” Ayatollah Khamenei said, referring to the general’s Iraqi trenchmate Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis.
In Iraq, the Leader said, the Americans “were forced to feign pullout and declare advisory and non-combat role, but our Iraqi brothers must follow this issue with vigilance”.
“In Yemen, the resistance front is advancing; in Syria, the enemy is paralyzed without hope for the future, and in general, the resistance and anti-colonial current in the region is more prosperous, buoyant and hopeful than two years ago.”
Ayatollah Khamenei called General Soleimani an “enduring and everlasting reality”, saying his assassins, like former US president Donald Trump and others like him, will be “among the forgotten of history and will be lost in the dustbin of history – of course, after repaying their crime in this world”.
After the terrorist act, Iran pummeled two US military bases in Iraq with a volley of precision missiles, with the Leader calling it “the first slap”.
The Leader touched on the participation of tens of millions of people in Iraq, Iran and other countries in the funeral and other processions held for General Soleimani after his assassination.
“This fact shows that Haj Qassem was and is the most national figure, while the growing influence of his memory and name in the Islamic world proves that the beloved Soleimani was and is the most popular figure in the Islamic world,” he said.
General Soleimani, the Leader said, was “the manifestation of tireless and stunning endeavor” and his sincerity in working for God was the source of the abundant effects of his unmatched efforts.
“The dear commander of the Iranian nation endured the suffering of the struggle for the ideals with all his being and was carefully faithful to his duties toward the Iranian nation and the Islamic community throughout his life,” Ayatollah Khamenei said.
“The heroic commander of the Iranian nation,” he added, “had an admirable level of courage and at the same time rationality in all his endless works and activities.”
“With accurate knowledge of the enemy and its possibilities, he would enter the field of combat with strength and tact without the slightest fear and fulfill amazing tasks,” Ayatollah Khamenei said.
“He fled from being seen and was not a man of pretense and bluff, and that funeral of tens of millions and the spread of his name and memory in the world was the first reward and divine recompense for his sincerity in the world,” the Leader added.

 

By Hassan Ebrahimzadeh *

Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Mesbah Yazdi was born in the city of Yazd, central Iran, in 1935, fourteen years after the Seminary of Qom was established in the city of the same name, by Ayatollah Abdolkarim Haeri, who also hailed from the city of Yazd.
Ayatollah Mesbah’s birthday also coincides with the birth anniversary of the holy Prophet of Islam (PBUH).
The newborn was destined to later protect and promote the teachings of his ancestral Ulema (Muslim scholars) in the most critical junctures of the history of the Seminary of Qom.
The teachings and revolutionary aspirations of the seminary have been its greatest achievements and Ayatollah Mesbah was the one who later succeeded in establishing a new connection between the Seminary of Qom and the Imam Khomeini Institute, pairing rationalism with spirituality and religion with politics.
Like many other students of the religious sciences, Mesbah Yazdi participated in classes held by the great teachers of his time, but it is believed in the Seminary of Qom that he inherited the legacy, thoughts and ideas of three unrivaled figures in the history of Shiite seminaries, i.e., Imam Khomeini, Allameh Mohammad Hossein Tabatabai, and Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Behjat Foumani.
Through many years of hard work, he became familiar with different ideological and political creeds and appreciated the genuine borders between true Islam and other schools of thought or faiths.
Having knowledge of science, mysticism and politics, Mesbah Yazdi clearly decided to walk on a certain path, along with his friends, to fulfill a duty developed by the launch of a movement led by his mentor and teacher, Imam Khomeini, and followed by other religious figures.
The movement launched by religious leaders in June 1963 was followed by the arrest of Imam Khomeini, and the subsequent sit-in orchestrated by a united movement of great religious leaders and scholars in the city of Rey, located south of the Iranian capital, Tehran. This gave new hope to the young student to initiate a revolutionary movement. However, Imam Khomeini was exiled later in the same year, and the major figures of seminaries were silent on the matter, possibly owing to their dislike of the June protests, which led Mesbah to decide to break this deep and cold silence in a quiet manner.
One month later, he published the first edition of a revolutionary publication called Enteqam (‘Revenge’), elaborating his goals and policies, which he kept pursuing until the end of his life.
“Our goal is to enlighten befuddled minds, awaken hidden religious sentiments, explain the political and defensive orders of Islam, remove evil doubts and temptations, equip everyone with ideological arms and believe in a constant and relentless jihad (‘sacred war’) against colonialism and hegemony to reach a holy objective which is the independence and governance of the honorable people of Iran under the revival of the teachings of Islam.”
Mesbah added, “To all of the oppressed and colonized masses, intellectuals, students, freedom-seekers, laborers, farmers and those who are in suffering: You can only find what you are missing in light of Islamic teachings and be united all together in a holy lasting jihad against colonialism and hegemony in order to establish a free Islamic government. ‘Is it not so that the victory of Allah is near’ (The Holy Qur’an, Al-Baqara: 214).”
Mesbah’s publication, Enteqam, which was solely written by him, gave new life to the fatigued body of the Qom Seminary in such a way that young revolutionary students were eagerly waiting for its new editions.
His movement had been launched. Even members of the Islamic Coalition Party were now among the distributors of the Revenge in Tehran. No one, not even the SAVAK (the pre-Islamic Revolution Iranian intelligence organization), could identify the writer or the publisher of the journal and nobody knew who was the one breaking the silence of those days so loudly with his pen.
Due to the nature of being an anonymous revolutionary, Mesbah was made out to be an unknown figure to the society. Only parts of his activities are just recently being revealed by a number of his students, including the fact that he would personally invite students and scholars of the religious sciences to support Imam Khomeini.
In 1964, once again he decided to cautiously resume his revolutionary activities by becoming a member of an 11-man group of revolutionary scholars, led by Imam Khomeini, and charged with forming an inclusive movement through cultural and reformist activities. Mesbah served as the secretary of the group, in addition to playing the role of a consultant.
Some actions taken by Mesbah Yazdi made him the focal point of the movement’s activities: Encouraging other students to improve their ideological bases; fighting against sources of deflections arising from certain scholars who were pursuing the total isolation of clergymen from the society, or their physical removal and assassination, teaching at Haqqani School, the formation of the Rah-e Haq (‘the path to righteousness’) Institute, and having connections with revolutionary forces.
Thus, Mesbah Yazdi became so important to the movement that members would even ask for his consultation after being confronted with the idea of Imam Khomeini’s followers joining other opposition groups such as the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (presently referred to in Iran as the Munafiqeen-e Khalq Organization). He subsequently refused the idea and separated his way from proponents of it.
The events of Iran’s post-revolution era have proved that Mesbah was right in his opposition to the idea of joining other opposition groups.
Given his significant status in religious knowledge, Ayatollah Mesbah even debated with a number of major revolutionary figures who were about to establish a new form of revolutionary discourse, far from Imam Khomeini’s fundamental aspirations. This time he stood against those who had essentially joined a soft war to erase the line between good and evil, and insiders and outsiders.
Ayatollah Mesbah’s religious status and, more importantly, his courage to oppose those who were seeking to deviate from Imam Khomeini’s fundamental aspirations, led the Imam to order special financial support for the establishment of a new institute at the Qom Seminary by his student, Mesbah, despite Imam Khomeini’s original strict disagreement with constructing new buildings or institutes in the Islamic seminary to avoid accusations of extravagance. The financial support for Mesbah’s institute was continued by Imam Khomeini’s successor, Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei.
It seems that Imam Khomeini already knew that there will come a day when a number of easy-going revolutionary figures will forget about aspirations of the Islamic Revolution in the face of the onslaught of the Eastern or Western thoughts, and it would fall onto Ayatollah Mesbah to defend Islam and the Islamic Revolution by writing multiple books and training various students who will remain loyal to the teachings of their previous Muslim Ulema and teachers.
As noted by Iran’s Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, Allameh Mesbah Yazdi was the theoretical protector of the Islamic Establishment and the one who filled the space left empty after great figures such as Allameh Tabatabai and Ayatollah Morteza Mottahari had passed away.
During Iran’s Sacred Defense era (the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war) and before Imam Khomeini’s eternal departure, Allameh Mesbah was accused of disregarding the war, but Imam Khomeini continued his support for his student.
However, Ayatollah Mesbah continued to train a number of figures at the seminary. His teachings benefited those who had been familiar with both the Islamic sciences and sciences of the modern world, especially the humanities. That is why Ayatollah Mesbah is considered to be among intellectuals who, in addition to fighting against religious factions in the pre-revolution era, including Marxism and Liberalism, has also succeeded in training a number of students who were familiar with the modern world and ready to travel overseas to study at foreign universities. These students, due to their strong ideological and moral bases, then came back to the seminary and continued their work as promoters of Islam.
At his institute, called the Imam Khomeini Education and Research Institute, Ayatollah Mesbah created an unprecedented dynamic process that, in addition to providing training courses and research opportunities for students, has drafted and trained new staff for the Islamic Establishment. The graduates of the institute are currently serving as the country’s university professors, parliamentarians, judiciary officials and military commanders.
In 1997, it seemed that the discourse of those who gravitated towards the West was to overshadow the discourse of Islam in Iran’s political and cultural atmosphere through the reformists’ emerging anti-Islamic newspapers, publications and meetings. It was once again up to Ayatollah Mesbah who, just like in 1964, rushed in to support the culture of Islam and revolution in a way that left no room to breathe for the anti-Islamic discourse, so much so that those who claimed to be advocates of freedom of thought and tolerance had no way out but to insult and destroy him.
During his consecutive trips from Qom to Tehran, Ayatollah Mesbah attended the Friday prayer sermons, and at his pre-sermon speeches, he challenged the principles of liberal democracy with the principles of the Islamic Revolution, and those set by Imam Khomeini, and disclosed the true nature of the apparently tempting slogans made by the advocates of the West.
Continuing to defend the culture of Islam in his speeches by paying repeated visits to different provinces of the country, Ayatollah Mesbah drew a clear line between Imam Khomeini’s school of thought and those who were interested in the West.
Years before the success of Iran’s anti-terror Commander Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani in paralyzing the West’s military forces outside of Iranian borders, Ayatollah Mesbah had paralyzed its cultural forces inside the country.
During his visits to different provinces, he organized a number of young revolutionary forces by giving them hope and encouraging them to further defend the cultural fronts. United by Ayatollah Mesbah, different groups of these young revolutionary forces attended annual gatherings, held in his presence, to further elaborate on the latest guidelines set by the Leader of the country and inform their fellow citizens after returning to their own respective provinces. Generally speaking, 25 annual meetings had been held in the presence of Ayatollah Mesbah until 2010.
Formation of the Office for Cultural Research, which reorganized Ayatollah Mesbah’s students, as well the publication of several journals including Farhang-e Pouya for university students, and Didar-e Ashena for young adults, as well the Partow-e Sokhan weekly newspaper in the fields of politics and culture, have further explained the Islamic and revolutionary culture to groups advocating for the West, a move which later encouraged many young revolutionary forces to join the media.
Another initiative of Ayatollah Mesbah was the Velayat Project, a program to teach the fundamentals of Islamic thought to young revolutionary forces in universities in order to boost their intellectual foundations and instruct them on maintaining their faiths as the managers of the country while they face anti-Islamic schools of thought.
The Velayat Project can be considered a “cultural revolution” happening inside Iranian universities. According to Ayatollah Mesbah, believing in the principle of Velayat-e Faqih (or the Guardianship of Islamic Jurisprudence) is a Qur’anic principle and he used that principle as a yardstick to measure others’ friendship with Islam and the Qur’an.
Systematic and organized efforts made by hegemonic powers and their supporters inside Iran to destroy Ayatollah Mesbah reached such an extent that it prevented him from being elected in 2016 as a member of the Assembly of Experts, a deliberative body empowered to appoint the Leader of Iran. Leader Ayatollah Khamenei later referred to Ayatollah Mesbah’s absence in the assembly as a “great loss”.
His unique status among intellectuals and religious and revolutionary leaders of the world was so significant that Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of the Lebanese resistance movement, Hezbollah, who only meets with political and scientific figures once a year for security reasons, met with Ayatollah Mesbah twice, during his visit to Lebanon, to benefit from his spiritual and ethical guidelines.
The Iranian year 1400 will end in less than three months, and the Qom Seminary is preparing itself to celebrate its centennial. With a record of almost 70 years of studying, teaching and writing in the Qom Seminary, Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi enjoys a prominent place in supporting the Islamic Revolution, which is the greatest achievement of Shiite Muslims’ history in the contemporary world. Now that the Qom Seminary is on the eve of beginning its second century, it is time to eat from the fruits of the labors of Ayatollah Mesbah, a scholar described by Imam Khomeini as Zou-Shahadatain (‘one whose testimony is worth twice that of others’), and Imam Khamenei referred to him as a Faqih (‘Islamic jurist’) and a devotee scholar.

*Hassan Ebrahimzadeh is a
researcher based in Qom.

 

By Mehdi Safari*

President Seyyed Ebrahim Raeisi set good-neighborliness and greater cooperation with regional nations as the focal point of his government’s economic diplomacy. He unveiled the approach during his campaign for presidency in 2021, which was warmly welcomed. Soon after taking office, the new Iranian president issued directives, demanding the Foreign Ministry, as the lead entity in charge, and other related organizations and individuals involved in foreign economic policy to draw up plans and set in motion this region-oriented process.
In an address to Parliament in August, Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian said economic diplomacy would make up 40 percent of the government’s foreign policy.
Amir-Abdollahian has time and again stressed that he would not tie people’s livelihood to the revival of the 2015 nuclear deal and that Iran would use its boundless God-given potentials to bring all-out prosperity to the country and the region.
Thus, Iran’s economic diplomacy began to shift toward a smart, balanced and purposeful activism with continuous efforts to achieve the country’s legitimate goals and advance national interests with a focus on maximum interaction with neighbors.
Cooperation with neighbors topped the to-do list of the Foreign Ministry’s division for economic diplomacy, and pragmatism has been encouraged to help implement the revolutionary motto of the current Iranian calendar year, set by the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, namely “Production, Support and Elimination of Obstacles”.
As a developed country in various economic sectors, Iran demonstrated its readiness to boost diplomacy and economic cooperation with neighbors during reciprocal visits by senior officials, especially at a recent gathering of the heads of its diplomatic missions in regional countries.
The Foreign Ministry announced that Iran would welcome all forms of trade cooperation with regional nations and that the country had begun to diversify exports and imports with the help of various domestic organizations.
Iran briefed its neighbors on its interest in exchanging science and technology, joint production, cooperation in medical treatment, technical and engineering services, agriculture, etc., as well as orchestrating efforts to break down barriers to foreign trade.
Given the fact that regional peoples are grappling with water shortage and drought, Iran stands ready to cooperate over water supply and water swap.
Through the Foreign Ministry, neighboring nations took notice of Iran’s strategic position to help bring prosperity to the region via developing transit and various corridors as well as energy lines. The ground is now prepared for pursuing this aim.
In this regard, the Foreign Ministry plans to increase the number of entry and exit points for goods, passengers and energy, and diversify targeted exports and imports.
Attracting investment for lucrative projects, investing in various domestic projects, establishing joint ventures with neighboring nations to stimulate production, and increasing the volume of joint production are of critical importance in Iran’s objectives and executive plans.
To maximize the chances for achieving the goals of Iran’s economic diplomacy, Iran is vigorously pursuing to sign mid-term and long-term agreements and treaties with its neighbors; in the near future some good news will be announced in this regard.
We are determined to secure preferential and free trade agreements with other states and implement them through Iran’s diplomatic missions and other relevant organizations.
The taskforce for the coordination of foreign economic relations, in collaboration with other economic organizations of the country, is actively addressing key challenges, making decisions and implementing them in order to help remove obstacles to the export of commodities and services, spur investment, resolve the issue of standardization for exported goods, develop overseas agriculture, and ensure Iran’s food and medication security.
The economic diplomacy division is resolved to ease the country’s foreign trade process through increased cooperation with public and private economic sectors. To achieve this goal, we call on all Iranian parties involved in foreign economy to come to our assistance to overcome the odds for interaction with neighboring countries.  
Bringing economic prosperity in the country and the region is a pragmatic and smart operational plan. Therefore, Iran is fully ready for maximum economic cooperation with its neighbors in various areas of oil, gas, petrochemicals, electricity, water, water supply, agriculture, technical and engineering services, transportation, medical equipment, medicine, tourism, banking and financial transactions as well as developing cooperation between special and free economic zones and neighboring countries.
Fortunately, the policy of maximum trade and economic interaction with neighbors in the limited time since the new Iranian government took office in August has yielded tangible results, the reports of which were given to the public by the president and the foreign minister.
Undoubtedly, the government’s confidence-building policies in the country and the region along with an active economic diplomacy, initiatives, innovations, ongoing ideas and plans will deliver enormous benefits for the peoples of our country and the region.
There is now an opportunity for constructive interaction with neighbors which should be seized. We hope that our neighbors will continue to welcome this approach enthusiastically. It is hoped that the continuation of friendship and cooperation between regional nations and governments will result in the growing prosperity of the region.

*Mehdi Safari is the Iranian foreign minister’s deputy for economic diplomacy.

 

Chanting anti-American slogans, thousands of people rallied in the Iraqi capital Saturday to mark the anniversary of the assassination of an influential Iranian general and a top Iraqi commander in a U.S. drone strike.
The crowd called for the expulsion of the remaining American forces from Iraq during the demonstration commemorating the airstrike near Baghdad airport that led to the assassination of Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani, who was the head of Iran’s elite Qods Force, and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the deputy commander of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Units (PMU).
“We will not let you stay after today in the land of the martyrs,” some of the placards read. American and Israeli flags were strewn on the ground, with people trampling on them, AP reported.
The targeted killing of Lt. Gen. Soleimani and Muhandis pushed Iran and the U.S. perilously close to all-out conflict and sparked outrage in Iraq, leading parliament to pass a resolution days later calling for the expulsion of all foreign troops from Iraq.
The U.S.-led coalition formally ended its combat mission supporting Iraqi forces in the ongoing fight against the Daesh terror group on December 31, 2021. Some 2,500 troops remained for the foreseeable future, however, in an advisory role. Some PMU leaders have insisted on the departure of all U.S. troops.
“We will not accept anything less than full withdrawal as revenge for the blood of our martyrs,” said Hadi al-Ameri, the head of Fatah Alliance in Iraq’s parliament.

 

Advancement in science and research, including in aerospace field, is an inalienable right of the Iranian nation, the Foreign Ministry said on Friday after the United States expressed concern over the country’s recent launch of a satellite carrier.
Iran’s Defense Ministry on Thursday announced that the country’s domestically-built satellite carrier rocket, Simorgh (Phoenix), launched three research devices in a space research mission.
Later on Thursday, the US State Department said Washington “remains concerned with Iran’s development of space launch vehicles.” It also claimed that such satellite launches would violate a UN Security Council resolution, calling on the Islamic Republic to steer clear of any activity related to ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear warheads.
“No resolution prevents the Islamic Republic of Iran from continuing its space program and the related experiments, including in the field of satellite-carriers, thus, citing UNSC Resolution 2231 is purely fallacious and fundamentally untrue,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said in response, Press TV reported.
“As previously stated, the Islamic Republic of Iran has the right to use peaceful technologies in the path of its scientific-research development according to international standards, and in so doing, it will not await the opinions of some countries that seek to impose their dictates,” Khatibzadeh added.
He also paid tribute to young Iranian scientists for their remarkable achievements in the field of aerospace despite illegal and unjust sanctions imposed on the Islamic Republic.   
Iran insists its space program is for civilian and defense purposes only, and does not breach the nuclear deal or any other international agreement.
Resolution 2231 adopted on July 20, 2015 to endorse the Iran nuclear deal states that “Iran is called upon not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using such ballistic missile technology”.
Iran says nothing in the resolution bans the country from its defensive missile activities and that its missiles have not be designed to carry nuclear warheads.
Iran launched its first satellite Omid (Hope) in 2009 and its Rasad (Observation) satellite was sent into orbit in 2011. Tehran said in 2012 that it had successfully put its third domestically-made satellite, Navid (Good News), into orbit.
In April 2020, Iran announced the successful launch of its first military satellite into orbit.